Information with Provenance

Search Engine (Version 2.11a, March 2010)
                New Search

Quotations by Amira Hass        

Please wait a moment ...


Number of quotations: 56

#243 by Amira Hass, 16 July 2003
Israelis still use the convenient and misleading term "fence" to describe the system of fortifications that is currently being erected on Palestinian lands in the West Bank. Even "wall," the term more commonly used in foreign-language reports, is insufficient to describe what is really being built at this very moment: A concrete wall eight meters high, wire fences and electronic sensors, ditches four meters deep on either side, a dirt path to reveal footprints, an area into which entry is forbidden, a two-lane road for army patrols, and watchtowers and firing posts every 200 meters along the entire length. These are the components of the "fence". More details

#206 by Amira Hass, 24 March 2004
The Israeli government seemingly cultivates this fear of existential threat. More details

#214 by Amira Hass, 7 April 2004
Within the Palestinian territories that were occupied 1967, there is a reality of rigorous, elaborate long-term master planning that disguises itself as confusion. This is a reality of evicting as many Palestinians as possible from their lands, concentrating them in crowded residential enclaves, and thwarting their desire to establish a state that will enable them to live with respect. More details

#215 by Amira Hass, 14 April 2004
the Likud rank and file, in their internal party democratic process, won't be asking if it is democratic for some 7,000 people to dictate the living conditions of nearly 1.5 million people. From that perspective, the referendum [on Sharon's 2004 proposal to unilaterally withdraw Israeli settlements from the Gaza Strip] is a brief history of Israeli democracy since 1967. It's a democracy in which the citizenry, through their votes, decide on the living conditions of another 3.7 million people who are not allowed to take part in the democratic vote so are not allowed to determine how their lives will be led. This is a democracy that obliges its youth to obey democratic decisions and serve in the army, which is in charge of implementing the decisions by those same citizens to effectively annex most of the available Palestinian land. This is a democracy that learned to regard as naturally self-evident that in the same piece of land, between the sea and the river, two unequal legal systems of unequal rights be in place: one for the citizens who vote and decide, and the second for the residents who don't vote and whose fates are determined by those who do have the right to vote. Like the Likud rank and file. More details

#218 by Amira Hass, 21 April 2004
Every Jew, man or woman, citizen of any country in the world, has potentially more rights in Israel than any Arab native citizen in the state. The Jew will have more chances to find a job, respectable housing, financial aid for higher education, personal advancement. Every foreign Jew has, de facto, more rights in the West Bank and Gaza (depending on what the Likud referendum decides) than Palestinians. More details

#236 by Amira Hass, 16 June 2004
Before the Palestinians turned to the use of firearms, in the current round of bloodshed, they tried the weapon of mass protest. From time to time, they try to return to this weapon - primarily along the separation fence. But the Israel Defense Forces prove to them time and time again that mass protests will result in deaths, injuries and arrests. And most of the Israeli public proves that the mass protest message does not reach them. More details

#253 by Amira Hass, 28 July 2004
Nowadays, one can hear from army commanders that the excessive use of force since September 2000 was a mistake: it was unnecessary to bring tanks into Bethlehem, bomb police stations in Ramallah, clamp extended curfews on Nablus, suffocate the villages and cities of the West Bank with closures. There are those who admit that the heavy use of force only led to escalations. But when the missiles were flying and the curfews imposed and the tanks bulldozed, everything was presented as the only logical step to take. That's how the killing of armed men in civilian neighborhoods by soldiers the same age as them is presented nowadays as the only logical course. More details

#284 by Amira Hass, 2 September 2004
But as a result, there are those who delude themselves that, if there is correct education, it will be possible to make the checkpoints humane. This is the same type of illusion as that held by those who in the 1970s believed that the settlements in the territories were indeed set up for security purposes. Those who delude themselves today like to forget that the checkpoints are not located on the border of a sovereign state, but rather deep in the occupied territory of the West Bank. How much military manpower – which would be able to protect the civilian hinterland much better from the actual border – is required for these roadblocks? Those who prefer to delude themselves that a checkpoint can be humane ignore its role in maintaining the settlement enterprise. More details

#285 by Amira Hass, 2 September 2004
The soldiers can study appropriate behavior at dozens of seminars, but their objective will not change: to ensure the regime of excessive rights for the Jews – basically the sole right of the Jews to move from Tel Aviv and to live in the West Bank while the Palestinians are not permitted to move and live in Tel Aviv. In order to challenge the immoral principles of this reality, the soldiers have to deal with the conventions, explanations and excuses of Israeli society. This is a difficult task for 50-year-olds, so why should it be possible for those who were born 17 years after the occupation of the territories? If the soldiers were to treat those passing through the roadblocks like equal human beings, they might be forced to ask questions about their own service. More details

#869 by Amira Hass, 3 March 2005
The Palestinian people is capable of withstanding terrible trials and tribulations: physical, psychological and economic. It can certainly face those trials if they become a means within the context of planned, coordinated and deliberately led strategic action meant to break the rules of the game that faked peace and statehood, rules that were set down in the days of Oslo and are coming back to deceive us now once again. More details

#488 by Amira Hass, 9 March 2005
Israel usurped the lands of the Israeli Arabs and gave them to Jews, deprived the Arabs access to lands defined as state lands, and banished Palestinian residents of the West Bank from lands that have become synonymous with lands for Jewish settlers. In the same way, it is fatally damaging the private and public Palestinian lands along the fence. The process of construction and uprooting trees and saplings and demolishing greenhouses and water wells combines arrogance with contempt toward anyone who is not Jewish, and toward the international position. It does so as part of a basic, both open and concealed, master plan of usurpation. More details

#489 by Amira Hass, 9 March 2005
While engaging in the honey-sweet military jargon of "humanitarian passes," Israel is turning blooming Palestinian territories into wasteland, in a cynical reversal of the ancient lie. While talking incessantly of temporality, the fence is demarcating the border between Israel and the state of prison compounds, and between the compounds and the settlements.
The constructed fence is continuing in its energetic destruction, but the fence will never be completed. because even after its construction is finished, it will perpetuate the policy of annexation, usurpation and severance. It will continue to cause disasters all around it. And again, especially during the talks of IDF pullout from this town or another, the Palestinians sometimes give the impression that they have grown accustomed to their disinheritance and have accepted it. But after a period of adjustment, the prolonged banishment will beget a new period of rebellion, which will lead to even more condescending Israeli "solutions" that will drive any chance of a just peace agreement further and further away. More details

#490 by Amira Hass, 9 March 2005
The construction of the separation fence is being carried out in the language of control that has evolved here since 1947, and has not been altered even in the years of the political negotiations at the end of the 20th century. In Israeli propaganda, Israel is the attacked victim, and therefore may do anything to protect itself. There is no correlation between the subjective feeling of the victim and Israel's objective - military - power and strong international status. The fence's route - with or without the High Court's kashrut stamp - clearly promotes the intentions to annex Palestinian land. These intentions were not stopped in 1994, with the Oslo Accords, but accelerated. Israel usurped the lands of the Israeli Arabs and gave them to Jews, deprived the Arabs access to lands defined as state lands, and banished Palestinian residents of the West Bank from lands that have become synonymous with lands for Jewish settlers. In the same way, it is fatally damaging the private and public Palestinian lands along the fence. The process of construction and uprooting trees and saplings and demolishing greenhouses and water wells combines arrogance with contempt toward anyone who is not Jewish, and toward the international position. It does so as part of a basic, both open and concealed, master plan of usurpation. More details

#512 by Amira Hass, 16 March 2005
This widely covered event shows that Israel has turned the liquidation of Europe's Jews into an asset. Our murdered relatives are being enlisted to enable Israel to continue not giving a damn about international decisions against the occupation. The suffering our parents endured in the ghettoes and concentration camps that filled Europe, the physical and mental anguish and torment that our parents were subjected to every single day since the “liberation,” are used as weapons to thwart any international criticism of the society we are creating here. This is a society with built-in discrimination on the basis of nationality, and the discrimination is spreading on either side of the Green Line. This is a society that is systematically continuing to banish the Palestinian nation from its land and usurp its rights as a nation and its chances for a humane future. More details

#522 by Amira Hass, 23 March 2005
In other words, the Israelis once again expect the occupied to protect the occupier. In exchange, they have made extremely vague and partial promises. More details

#633 by Amira Hass, 21 July 2005
At the beginning of last week, the government decided to speed up the construction of the separation fence in the Jerusalem area, which will also surround and imprison the residents of three East Jerusalem neighborhoods: the Shoafat refugee camp, and the Salaam and Dar Khamis neighborhoods in Anata. For more than a year and a half from the time the route was set, the state was in no hurry to build, and it delayed replying to the petitions filed by attorney Danny Seideman on behalf of neighborhood residents. Now, when all the spotlights are on the incidents surrounding the disengagement, the state is rushing to construct a concrete wall and watchtowers, which have cut off the residents from their city and their entire way of life. More details

#716 by Amira Hass, 14 August 2005
Omar [a Palestinian in Gaza] began working for his [Israeli settler] boss nine years ago for NIS 32 a day. In July 2005 his daily wages were NIS 50. His friend Khaled makes NIS 45 for an eight-hour day's work. The hourly minimum wage in Israel is NIS 17.93, or almost NIS 145 per day. Omar, who is active in an independent workers committee that was founded in the Gaza Strip this year, says the maximum paid to Palestinian workers there was NIS 60 per day. An Israeli who spent a lot of time in Gush Katif in recent months heard from employers that the daily wage is between NIS 40-80. More details

#717 by Amira Hass, 14 August 2005
But the minimum wage requirement does apply to Israeli employers in the occupied territories with Palestinian workers. Back in 1982, a GOC Command order was issued in the territories stipulating that 'a person employed in a community [an Israeli settlement - A.H.] is entitled to receive wages from his employer that do not fall short of the minimum wage and will also be entitled to cost of living adjustment, all as updated in Israel from time to time.' The Civil Administration is supposed to oversee and enforce that order, but the office of the Government Coordinator in the Territories (to which the Civil Administration is subordinate) stated that 'so far, we know of no complaints filed about the lack of enforcement of this order.' More details

#718 by Amira Hass, 14 August 2005
Omar is troubled by a more pressing problem: he knows about a dozen laborers whose employers have already left, without paying them wages for the past week or two. Now they have no way of locating their bosses to get at least those few hundred shekels. More details

#870 by Amira Hass, 2 November 2005
in impersonating an ordinary "government" to the world and to its people, at best it [the Palestinian Authority] is perceived as a corrupt and failing organization and at worst, as a sub-contractor for the bureaucracy of the occupation. More details

#1065 by Amira Hass, 9 August 2006
Now the IDF has sent to Lebanon soldiers who have been taught to believe that warfare is running down refugees' homes with tanks and bulldozers; that a battle is firing from helicopters at fighters with Kalashnikov rifles who cannot even scratch the Israeli tank surfaces. These soldiers think that defending the homeland is preventing hundreds of thousands of people from living like human beings, by operating roadblocks in the territories. By another twisted standard set by the Israeli army in recent years, homes in northern Israel whose occupants have left to escape the Katyushas are to be designated as "abandoned." This, after all, is how Israeli military spokesmen justified, initially, the fact that bulldozers systematically demolished the homes of civilians in Khan Yunis and Rafah - civilians who had fled massive Israeli fire. Bulldozers will not raze the homes of Israelis in the North, but why should thieves, for example, not take from them whatever they can get their hands on? These are, after all, abandoned homes, the thieves will say in their defense, citing the precedents. Why bring this up today? First, because the war - state cruelty - against the Palestinians is ongoing. Second, because Israel's double standard and basic contempt for anyone who isn't "us" explains better than the army's outdated equipment and faulty training why it has been receiving blows so far and will continue to receive them. Israel is convinced that in Lebanon, as in Gaza and the West Bank, its unlimited power to destroy is both a deterrent and spur to political change. It is ignoring the human factor - that the Palestinians and Lebanese' fortitude grows in lockstep with our strengthening powers of destruction More details

#1089 by Amira Hass, 16 August 2006
'We didn't mean to' is the cousin of 'I didn't know,' and both of them are close neighbors of the double standard. What is permitted to us is forbidden to others. What hurts us does not hurt others (because they are 'other'). More details

#1090 by Amira Hass, 16 August 2006
The road to killing children by a military and civilian occupation machine is paved with many non-intentions to cause other damage to civilians; these are not fatal immediately, but day by day, they take away the taste of life from 3.5 million people. These are damages that in ordinary times earn, at best, a mention the size of a postage stamp in the newspapers. But these are the essential building stones of a regime of dispossession, the aim of which is to thwart the Palestinian people's aspirations for independence and sovereignty in its country. More details

#1406 by Amira Hass, 5 December 2007
It emerges that the lust to take over Palestinian lands is even stronger than the logic of preserving the quality of the environment. More details

#1294 by Amira Hass, 31 May 2007
The non-allocation of frequencies is another front in the economic war Israel is waging against the Palestinians. More details

#1302 by Amira Hass, 5 June 2007
Indeed, the right to live together in the home expanse was denied not only to the 1948 refugees, but also to the new refugees of 1967: About 240,000 people, inhabitants of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip who were expelled and fled fearing the battles, and another approximately 60,000 who were abroad when the war broke out. The young state, only 19 years old at the time, acted as though it were mature and experienced: It hastened to deny the vast majority of them the status of residency in their land. By means of various tricks it also denied residency to another 100,000 individuals who went abroad to work or study after 1967, with a skillfulness that created another link in the chain of dispossession that began in 1948 and to which we have not put an end to this day. More details

#1373 by Amira Hass, 15 October 2007
Since 1991, Israel has been using the partial or total imprisonment of the Gazans in their cage, for longer or shorter periods, as a political strategy: Sometimes it is depicted as punishment, sometimes as a deterrent action and always as a preface to a political plan. Until not long ago, it seemed as though the terms of imprisonment could not be any worse. The past four months have proven that there is always "worse." More details

#1478 by Amira Hass, 31 December 2007
Even without killing, the Israeli occupation regime kills – hope, plans, relationships, ways of life. Living among Palestinians brings daily examples of the thousands of shades that despair has, just as the regime of occupation and colonization brings with it thousands of variants of material and mental abuse. Every moment, people mourn for the lives they could have had and which they are not experiencing. How explosive is the daily insult which people experience, under a foreign rule that decides who will live in their own houses and who will not, who will have access to their lands and who will not, when the bulldozer will tear up your grandparents' land in order to attach it to a highway and a green settlement, who will waste several hours every day at a checkpoint, who will send their children to university and who will send them to beg, who will lose their source of livelihood, who will see their family and when, and who will not. Massive is the insult felt by the many who depend on charity. Added to all this, of course, is the constant opprobrium of a disappointing and failed Palestinian leadership and the absence of hope in its ability to effect change. More details

#1789 by Amira Hass, 4 March 2009
During the 1990s it was still possible to describe donations to the Palestinians as an expression of confidence and hope in Israel's readiness to free itself of the occupation regime it had created. But not in 2009. Support for Israeli policy – this is the only way to understand the fact that other countries keep pouring in hundreds of millions of dollars meant to put out the fires set by this policy, without extinguishing the source of the blaze. More details

#2099 by Amira Hass, 16 March 2010
Last year the IDF and Shin Bet security service made a number of night incursions into Na'alin and Bil'in to carry out mass arrests. Minors and mentally ill people were detained first... More details

#2463 by Amira Hass, 1 November 2010
The translator in the [military] courtroom was confused. He looked around him, wondering out loud how one translates 'innocent' into Arabic. More details

#2686 by Amira Hass, 2 February 2011
Sooner or later, the protective nets the Israeli tyranny has excelled at creating will tear. Will the masses flood the streets then, will they break through the barriers and roadblocks, march to Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan and Psagot, as my colleagues Akiva Eldar and Aluf Benn have predicted? Let us not delude ourselves. There will be no confusion here. Precise instructions, clear and immediate, will be given to the Israeli soldiers. The IDF of Operation Cast Lead will not give up its heritage. Even if it is a march of 200,000 unarmed civilians - the order will be to shoot. There will not be 10 dead, because the army of Cast Lead will want to outdo itself. We have not yet reached the stage in which the machinery of Israeli repression breaks up into its component parts - the people - who instead of obeying, begin to think. More details

#2935 by Amira Hass, 30 May 2011
If he does not deploy his armed men in the heart of a civilian neighborhood, how will the ruler feel like a ruler? How will the sovereign - if his forces do not patrol spitefully near a school during recess - depict himself as the Order that must not be disturbed? More details

#3149 by Amira Hass, 26 March 2012
Of course, Oren does not mention the Christians who lived in the country before 1948 and fled the horrors of war or were expelled by us - and who, like their Muslim compatriots, were not allowed to return to their homes after the establishment of the state. More details

#3165 by Amira Hass, 11 April 2012
The real question is not whether the solution is "two states" or "one state." History in any case does not recognize end points - every stage leads to another. Visions are also not lacking. The visions must develop and change during the struggle for equality and justice, otherwise they will become gulags. The question was, and is, how much more bloodshed, suffering and disasters will be needed until the Jewish regime of discrimination and separation, which we have created here over the past 64 years, crumbles. More details

#3166 by Amira Hass, 11 April 2012
The question was, and is, how much more bloodshed, suffering and disasters will be needed until the Jewish regime of discrimination and separation, which we have created here over the past 64 years, crumbles. More details

#3275 by Amira Hass, 5 September 2012
Familiarity with a plethora of information sources and geographic proximity to the scenes of the crime deprives us of the excuse "we didn't know." People are living without running water, or without water fit to drink. Do a google search and you'll find the websites of Adalah, UNRWA and B'Tselem. The green line has two sides, and on both sides there are ways to ensure the supply of water to Jews and deny it to Palestinians. Even Satan never came up with discrimination more nauseating than this. The civil rights that we enjoy won't allow us to say what citizens of Turkey and Belarus rightly can, or what citizens of East Germany and Rhodesia once could: We cannot take action because we are afraid for our children and our jobs, fear our neighbors and torture. The future of Israeli students and lecturers is assured even if they besiege the Defense Ministry and the defense minister's house to demand that Firing Zone 918 in the south Hebron Hills be outlawed. And after that, even if they strike against a long list of other discriminatory practices. The people of Israel proved last year that they are not devoid of knowledge or of the recognition of injustice. Therefore, every single member of this thinking crowd bears direct responsibility for the disasters that will befall this place; for an accumulation of injustices will eventually explode. More details

#3370 by Amira Hass, 19 November 2012
By supporting Israel's offensive on Gaza, Western leaders have given the Israelis carte blanche to do what they're best at: Wallow in their sense of victimhood and ignore Palestinian suffering. More details

#3491 by Amira Hass, 31 December 2012
A reminder: Israel is doing everything in its power so children of Palestinians will not automatically receive the status of Jerusalem residents. More details

#3644 by Amira Hass, 24 February 2013
After the massacre in February 1994 the Israel Defense Forces closed Shuhada Street, Hebron's main thoroughfare, to Palestinian vehicles in order to protect the Jewish settlers. Since 2000, Palestinians living on the street have been prohibited from walking on it as well. I repeat: Even those Palestinians who live on the street are barred from it. To reach their homes and leave them they must use backstreets or jump from one roof to another. More details

#3665 by Amira Hass, 10 March 2013
In the military court system, fines are an integral and automatic part of the penalty and come on top of a prison term, unlike the civilian justice system, where fines are incidental. Some convicted people can't pay the fine and thus spend a longer time behind bars – usually NIS 1,000 equals one month in prison. The Palestinian Authority is theoretically supposed to reimburse security prisoners for fines they pay to military courts. [...] Sometimes Palestinians who have been convicted (of security offenses) even ask their lawyers 'to buy them a few more days' – that is, to increase the fine in order to reduce the prison sentence.« More details

#3858 by Amira Hass, 2 June 2013
The [Palestinian] leaders failed to keep their promise to provide a state for their people, but they certainly did provide extra material comfort for their families. Is there a connection between the powerlessness of the Palestinian leadership and its diplomatic failures on the one hand, and the increasing wealth of its members and associates on the other? There are Palestinians who don't end the previous sentence with a question mark, but are convinced that it's a correct description of the situation. More details

#4084 by Amira Hass, 16 October 2013
To Israel’s satisfaction, the PLO chairman’s security apparatus is carrying out waves of arrests in Jenin and Hebron, but is helpless against settler attacks and the Civil Administration. Being identified as subcontractors of the Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet security service diminishes their ability to curb the unrest simmering in the refugee camps and villages. More details

#4134 by Amira Hass, 21 November 2013
There is no Palestinian whose score with the State of Israel is settled – whether he lives in forced exile or whether he lives within the borders of Israel, or in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. There is no Palestinian without a personal and familial history of injustice that was caused by, and is still caused by Israel. Just because the Israeli media does not report on all the injustices Israel causes day in and day out – even if only because they so numerous – does not mean they go away and neither does the anger they cause. Therefore, according to the correct calculation, the number of attacks by Palestinian individuals is relatively microscopic. This small number shows that for the vast majority of Palestinians – passing, murderous and hopeless revenge is not an option. More details

#4783 by Amira Hass, 12 May 2014
By what authority did Adamov and his fellow soldiers detain several Palestinians for two hours at a military checkpoint whose entire purpose is to ensure that members of the Chosen People can march proudly down Shuhada Street and that Palestinians are kept away? [...] To this question, too, the IDF Spokesperson declined to respond. In any event, soldiers (and employees of civilian contractors) detain Palestinians freely at every checkpoint and roadblock.
The robbery of the Palestinians' time by the Israeli authorities – at every level, both military and civilian – is an integral part of the Israeli domination regime. More details

#4784 by Amira Hass, 12 May 2014
Why do soldiers bark obscenities at Palestinians? I didn't ask the IDF Spokesperson this question. Since I first began covering the occupation, nearly a quarter-century ago, I have learned that soldiers must do so in order to overcome the cognitive dissonance in which they operate. After all, 18 and 20-year-olds can think and feel, in short, be responsible for their actions – and here I part ways with the military experts, obviously. Clearly, 18- and 20-year-olds know the Palestinians are human beings just like us. The trash talk and humiliation builds up the dehumanization, until the soldiers are convinced that the Palestinian is different. Commanders don't want to stop this, because only then can the soldiers fully carry out their mission: to prevent the Palestinian from walking down the street where he lives, to prevent him from living on the street where he and his parents were born, to destroy the livelihoods of many thousands of people.
Humiliation of the Palestinians by every level of the civilian and military apparatus is an inseparable part of building a nation of overlords. More details

#4786 by Amira Hass, 12 May 2014
One can understand the soldiers and the way they talk to the Palestinians: The curses, the derogatory language, help the armed Israelis to pretend to be superior and righteous. It’s hard for them to confront the courage, nobility, determination and restraint with which the older Palestinian activists receive them. It’s hard for them, and others like them, when they are confronted with the courage, nobility, determination and restraint with which the vast majority of Palestinians continues to bear our violent and brutal presence, in the confident knowledge that it will end. More details

#4814 by Amira Hass, 19 May 2014
Army invasions (by Jews) almost every day, thousands of people killed by Jews, almost 40 years of settlements, 40 years of Jewish bosses (bad ones and good ones), tens of thousands of Gazans' searing memories of Jews who expelled them from their villages and homes -- none of that is relevant to the people who conducted the ADL's survey.
They asked people in Reykjavik, Vientiane and the Jabalya refugee camp the same questions. They didn't ask any of them: How many times have you been beaten by a Jew? How many people do you know whose land was stolen by Jews -- people whom the Jews removed from their homes? More details

#4816 by Amira Hass, 19 May 2014
If the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, which have been under continued Jewish occupation, were not included in the survey [on anti-Semitism commissioned by the ADL] , its findings might have been a basis for discussion. Including the occupied Palestinian territories in the survey turns it into a cheap and dangerous propaganda tool. More details

#4835 by Amira Hass, 21 May 2014
Military training in live-fire zones in the West Bank is used as a way of reducing the number of Palestinians living nearby, and serves as an important part of the campaign against Palestinian illegal construction, an army officer revealed at a recent Knesset committee meeting. Col. Einav Shalev, operations officer of Central Command, was addressing a subcommittee of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, which discussed “illegal Palestinian construction in Area C” of the West Bank, and ways of expelling Palestinian residents from areas such as E1, the Jordan Valley and Susya, south of Hebron. More details

#4847 by Amira Hass, 29 May 2014
From cradle to grave, Palestinians need the intervention of attorneys to proceed along the various avenues of life. This intervention, together with the open doors of the courts, contribute a great deal to Israel’s deceptive charm as a country governed by law. Here are some of the basic activities for which a Palestinian requires an attorney’s assistance: drinking water, taking a shower, watering plants, traveling with a spouse via the same checkpoint, grazing flocks, staying in Jerusalem, living in the family home in a West Bank village or city, keeping one’s village or neighborhood in its long-existing location, studying or working abroad without losing resident’s status in Jerusalem, changing one’s address, adding a floor to one’s home, visiting one’s sick mother, working the land, traveling from Gaza to the West Bank for school or work, living in one’s own home, having guests or being hosted, going for medical treatment, teaching in the school of one’s choice, doing homework by electric light rather than oil lamp, going to one’s own fields, coming back from abroad, and returning to work. Attorneys do not always succeed in helping with these ordinary activities, but without their intervention, a great many Palestinians would be unable to engage in them at all. More details

#4931 by Amira Hass, 10 July 2014
On Tuesday, the Kaware family from Khan Yunis, a member of which is a Hamas operative, received such a warning by phone, eighty minutes before a small rocket hit the boiler on their roof. Family members that fled the house decided to gather around it, and after the rocket hit, decided to go up to the roof along with neighbors, believing the IDF wouldn't dare to attack the house. They were wrong. At 3:00 P.M. an F16 fired at the home, killing eight, including six children. Another 28 were wounded. More details

#5046 by Amira Hass, 01 October 2014
It seems we have no equal in the cunning and deceit with which we rule over another people. Many Israelis, good and bad alike, have acted with cunning and deceit in turning the endless negotiations into a license for expanding the settlement enterprise, forcing the Palestinians into crowded territorial cells and undermining their deep, historic and natural connection to this land, their homeland. They foisted responsibility for Palestinian civilians onto the Palestinian leadership, but deprived it of the powers and resources it needed to fulfill this responsibility. More details

#5290 by Amira Hass, 5 December 2014
The policy led by PA President Mahmoud Abbas is based on several foundations. These include running the PA and its institutions as the “state in progress”; dependence on international – mainly Western – assistance and faith in the United States’ support for establishing a Palestinian state; an authoritarian government that restricts criticism; opposing any military escalation and the use of arms against the occupation; paying lip service to an unarmed popular struggle while in fact restricting it and promoting a diplomatic strategy in the United Nations and the world. These foundations fit in with the Palestinians’ adjustment to living in the enclaves (areas A and B in the West Bank and Gaza) and bolster the de facto renunciation of East Jerusalem and Area C (which includes the settlements). Combined, the foundations are conducive to a high level of adjustment – of both the official leadership and the public – to any Israeli right-wing radicalization. The Palestinian public is skeptical about its leadership’s goals and intentions. The question always hovering in the air is whether Abbas’ diplomatic strategy is intended to end the occupation, or to prolong the PA life and justify its existence, with all the perks for the ruling strata that this involves. The same questions were posed regarding the leadership’s long-standing adherence to the negotiations with Israel, even after reaching the conclusion that Israel was using the talks not to reach an agreement but to expand the annexation and thwart a Palestinian state. More details

#4884 by Amira Hass, 13 June 2014
A few of the administrative detainees being held in Israeli prisons, members of Islamic organizations, were previously held in PA jails — also without trial, albeit for shorter periods. Similarly, sometimes the PA arrests detainees almost immediately upon their release by Israel. Detainees have told their lawyers that investigators on both sides asked them similar or even identical questions, and testified to the exchange of intelligence between the Israeli and Palestinian intelligence agencies. The detainees believe both sides want to silence them politically. In other words, even if the PA does not arrest most of the Palestinians that Israel holds in administrative detention, it’s a good guess that their incarceration is convenient for both it and Israel. More details

#5337 by Amira Hass, 24 December 2014
The problem is that diplomacy at the United Nations (and before that the meaningless negotiations) is enabling the status quo that Israel is exploiting to create permanent Palestinian bantustans, the same status quo from which the PA nomenclature [nomenklatura - PIWP] also benefits. The problem is that Abbas is treating his non-state and his movement like an absolute monarch. More details

A disclaimer applies to this page. This page is not part of the official UCC website. This page is part of a research database of opinions on Xinjiang and related topics which is maintained by members of a group of students and staff in the university. The emphasis in this research project is on provenance -- we aim to provide as much information as possible on the background of the people whose opinions are in the database, so that readers can make up their own minds on the credibility that they wish to attach to these opinions.